THE ZANU-PF conference came and went. We are now left to deal with both the aftermath and with what it missed out.The party conference was held in the usual pomp and fanfare that has always graced such annual and momentous gatherings of the liberation party.
Generally there were few surprises which sprung up from the party’s proceedings and the resolutions thereof passed.
There were some positive attributes that the party cared to raise as well as some glaring contradictions and distanced dreams.
The conference also lacked a lot of courage in addressing some topical issues, which would have charted a new but leveraged course for the liberation party.
This week, I will look at a few of these issues of interest.
In outlining the preamble of the resolutions, ZANU-PF mentioned its commitment to human rights, social justice and freedom for Zimbabweans.
I am sure this is not the first time the party has mentioned these ideals and expressed its “on-paper” commitment to them.
It is always the contrast of how the party fails to rein in on State institutions to become centres for dispensing these ideals rather than the bedrock of their demise.
The party also went on to imply that the new Constitution must be upheld as it reflects the revolutionary values, ideals and ethos synonymous with the party.
It is ironic that we have not seen some urgency in aligning the country’s legal framework to the new Constitution.
In fact, in some cases, we have seen the flagrant inconsideration of the new Constitution provisions and settling for some aspects that actually dissuades this new Constitution from being fully functionalised.
I remember a few months ago I wrote about how ZANU-PF has been reluctant to institute aspects of devolution that are mandated by the new Constitution.
The appointment of the Ministers of Provincial Affairs in the President’s office and the foot-dragging on institutionalising the provincial and metropolitan councils is worrying and in contrast to the total commitment made to the new Constitution in the party’s conference resolutions.
The party also resolved to look at developing comprehensive and clear rules, guidelines for internal elections.
Many of us have argued that the party’s greatest weakness has been its historical manipulation of free expression inside the party, including during its own elections.
This was clearly revealed in the controversies surrounding its 2013 primary elections and its provincial executive elections.
The bold thing the party has done is to acknowledge its weaknesses in terms of internal elections; which to a great extent is also about weak internal democracy.
It remains to be seen just how much the party will get over a cancer it has nurtured for so long.
The resolutions also indicate the factionalism that is currently prevailing in the party.
It’s one thing to express intention to deal with factionalism in the resolutions; it is another to do that practically.
The party also committed to dealing with corruption. The only way to do that is to begin purging that from within its leadership.
Failure to do so merely creates “paper tigers” of the party’s resounding resolutions and expressed intentions.
The resolutions also speak to the need to prop up service delivery by local government and councils.
The party makes a commitment to capacitate local authorities to provide exceptional services.
This is against the background of the populist “debt amnesty” that the party proffered in the eleventh hour before 2013 elections, which currently cripples operations of municipalities and town councils.
On a positive note the party resolved to promote the construction of infrastructure to harness solar energy.
This is encouraging given that so far, and despite the country falling in the region with the most ample sunshine across the globe, there had been limited innovative and creative ways of attempting to exert efforts in this direction.
The party also committed to ensure that there is beneficiation of mineral resources to avoid their export as mere raw materials.
If ZANU-PF is able to overcome its perennial illness, that of lack of implementation, then these two highlighted resolutions will reflect some modicum of a party that is at least attempting to think progressively.
The party also resolved to establish Special Economic Zones (SEZ) — a proposition that was also topical in the MDC-T’s election manifesto. Just like the case of the Zimbabwe Agenda for Socio-Economic Transformation blueprint, which I feel was mentioned more out of creating the emotional appeal than concerted efforts to interrogate its operationalisation, SEZ are prompted by both sustainable policy making as well as attracting or creating capital inflows.
One of the major faults of the just concluded conference is that it addressed many issues that qualify on any good dreamer’s wish list, but failed to address the fundamental issue; that of sources of capital to kick-start whatever socio-economic ambitions outlined in the resolutions.
The party also resolved to empower women in pursuit of gender equality across all political, legislative, institutional, business and socio-economic spheres. The party even claims that this is part of its vanguard role.
How come President Robert Mugabe still considers women either unequal or uneducated to qualify for membership in his Cabinet?
The commitment to gender equality needs to be seriously addressed in ZANU-PF; otherwise it remains rhetoric only good enough to rally around more regalia-obsessed supporters in the Women’s league.
There are many other positives and negatives contained in the party’s 2013 conference resolutions, but the few mentioned above are adequate in reflecting the contrasts and dreams embedded in the dear party.
The resolutions seem to indicate and reflect a party that is fully aware of the momentous task it is faced with including its supporters’ expectation, yet lacks the courage or ideas to engage to another gear to implement what it knows must be done.
The resolutions reflect the party’s preference and obsession with history that has at times allowed it the luxury to deal on scratching and exciting its supporters’ emotions yet they too now seek tangibles.
One can tell that there is a group within the party, no matter how large and influential, that is at least attempting to push for a progressive contemplation of reality.
However, one also identifies the cast ceiling beyond which that group is not allowed to transverse. There is a huge sense of reliance on the past rather than being motivated by the future.
There is a sense of a casual approach which is predicated on assumptions of the perennial passivity of both party supporters and general citizens of the country. ZANU-PF must realise that there is more expected from the party now and in the future.
Party resolutions will not be enough; especially if they are complicated by contrasts and illusory dreams.